The India-China faceoff in the Galwan valley has radically changed India’s national perception about China as a neighbour and as an Aian power.
The way in which 20 Indian soldiers have been killed in India and the manner in which the Modi government has responded without even taking the name of China, the principal opposition party, Congress continuously attacking the Modi government, it is for sure, much political debate is yet to be seen in upcoming time especially when the Bihar election is underway.
Not just the Galwan valley incident, but China is also helping Nepal in setting up its armed bases near Indian border. Twice it has happened that Nepal has objected over the construction site in Bihar. The mention of Bihar is worth here as elections are due in the state, which shares its border with the neighboring country.
The killing of 20 soldiers on June 15 has sent reverberations across the length and breadth of India and will stay alive in the collective memory of every Indian for a long time.
While the public anger among the citizens is being tried to be neutralised by banning 59 Chinese apps, stopping import and export from China and border tension on Galwan valley, can Modi government handle the present situation of Indian economy question remains the same.As, China issue is on peak, which will definitely influence the internal politics of India. Where the questions been continuously asked by opposition parties about,China capture India’s land?
Domestic politics has always had an impact on foreign policy, and China will impact India’s domestic politics in a decisive manner as nationalism has become a topic of politics in India, as can be seen during the post Pulwama period and the general elections fought afterwards.
India’s economy is much weaker, its military and technological capabilities remain inferior to China’s, and China is a more significant player in global governance and international politics than India.
With growing power, China wants to reshape the global order to suit its revisionist interests.
Although China has not hidden these aims, India has been tentative at best in coming to terms with the fact that a revisionist great power has risen on its borders.
This policy approach could work for so long because China was not a dominant issue that informed debates in domestic politics.
But the ramifications of the military stand-off in the Galwan Valley will reverberate strongly across the country and domestic politics.
This poses a huge challenge for the Narendra Damodardas Modi government’s approach toward China as its policies cannot be out of sync with popular sentiment.
The Indian citizenry has become alarmed over the sudden turn of events vis-à-vis China.
The calls for destroying the omnipresence of Chinese goods in India may be rooted in ignorance of economic realities, but they reflect the emerging mood about China.
And this mood will dictate India’s domestic politics and foreign policy.
The evolution of public opinion will have an impact on ghe political discourse.
Prime Minister Modi has been virtually impervious to criticism on issues of national security, but it is Mr Modi’s tough image that his domestic political critics are now trying to target.
When Beijing shows greater penchant for psychologically oriented use of military force against India, the Modi government’s advice to the Opposition not to politicise the national security issues will only fall on deaf ears.
This is a moment of realisation; a moment of great turbulence in India’s foreign policy and domestic politics.
With no clear way to end the impasse between the two countries, there is a growing risk of societal polarisation.
As the China factor enters into the body politic of India with greater potency, its consequences will certainly be far-reaching.
For the government and the Opposition, the challenge will be how to present a united front to China even while continuing with domestic political contestation on one of the most significant policy issues facing the nation.
This time the China crises amid COVID-19, will fail Indian politics.As we see the unemployment rate of the country and people who also loss their position as influencers after the ban Chinese app, question remains same.Does question about banning Chinese app will be marked against the sentiments of the Arm forces?But, what the facts says, While China accounts for 5% of India’s exports and 14% of India’s imports — in US$ value terms — India’s imports from China (that is, China’s exports) are just 3% of China’s total exports. More importantly, China’s imports from India are less than 1% of its total imports.
The point is that if India and China stop trading then — on the face of it — China would lose only 3% of its exports and less than 1% of its imports, while India will lose 5% of its exports and 14% of its imports.
The Chinese app TikTok is extremely popular in the country and has around 12 crore active users. Similarly, there are 13 crore UC Browser users and 10 crore active users of Club Factory and CamScanner.
However, apart from these free mobile applications, Chinese companies have huge investments in various companies in the country. These include big giants like Flipkart, Paytm, Paytm Mall, Policy Bazaar, BigBasket, Ola, and Oyo. Will there be significant actions against these companies too by the Indian Govt?
We have to see in the upcoming days, how will Chinese border, economic issues will influence Indian political scenario.